22 
American Journal of Transportation
American Journal of Transportation  
ajot.com
Florida produce sees opportunity 
with non-renewal of USMCA
By Andrew Meadows, AJOT
With the USMCA’s non-renewal, 
Florida’s produce industry finds itself 
once again engaged in difficult trade 
discussions. 
It is a recurring scene in a three-de-
cade script that surfaces whenever 
North American trade agreements are 
on the table.  This time, Florida fruit 
and vegetable growers remain opti-
mistic that the door is open to defend 
their crops from what they see as 
policy favoring Mexico dating back 
to the original NAFTA. 
“The Florida Fruit and Vegetable 
Association (FFVA) is encouraged 
that the Administration chose not to 
renew USMCA in its current form and 
instead is using the review process to 
address shortcomings in the agree-
ment. For Florida fruit and vegetable 
growers, the current structure has not 
provided a workable remedy for the 
surge of seasonal imports during our 
domestic production window,” said 
Mike Joyner, CEO of the Florida Fruit 
and Vegetable Association.  “Taking 
the time to get the policy right is 
important – not just for growers, but 
for the long-term resilience of the US 
food supply.”
In July, the Trump Administra-
tion announced it would not support 
an extension of the USMCA, starting 
a 10-year phase-out. The agreement 
now mandates annual reviews before 
it expires unless Canada, Mexico, 
and the United States can broker a 
new agreement.  
Mexican Fruit Exports Under USMCA
Mexican fruit and vegetable 
exports to the US accelerated under 
NAFTA and continued to increase 
sharply under the USMCA. Mexico 
and Florida share the same growing 
season from late fall to early spring, 
and producers compete directly to 
put tomatoes, peppers, cucumbers, 
squash, blueberries, raspberries, and 
strawberries on US tables. 
Mexico exported $20.4 billion 
in fruit and vegetables to the United 
States in 2025, a 39% increase from 
2020’s total of $14.6 billion, the first 
year of USMCA, according to the 
USDA’s Economic Research Ser-
vice. In addition, Mexico’s ag sector 
significantly scaled up production of 
processed packaging, pre-cut mixes, 
and value-added retail kits.
This has led to massive infrastruc-
ture investments at critical border 
commerce points such as Laredo, TX, 
where new inspection facilities, bridge 
rebuilds, cold storage warehouses, 
and truck staging areas all support the 
expansion of interstate highways, rail 
connections, and logistics parks.
Florida producers say the growth 
has been unfairly at their expense, 
citing Mexican government-spon-
sored subsidies, dubious pricing 
practices, and low labor rates as the 
driving reasons behind the Mexican 
agricultural boom.
“FFVA has consistently favored 
measures to curb Mexican imports 
during our season. Our recommended 
approach - seasonal, product-specific 
TRQs – would not stop imports or 
shut down the marketplace. It would 
continue to allow imports of Mexi-
can produce, but not at levels that risk 
destroying U.S.-grown production 
during the fall to spring months of 
the year,” Joyner said. “The broader 
policy question is whether the United 
States wants to maintain a domestic 
supply during these key months, rather 
than become increasingly dependent 
on foreign suppliers for fresh produce 
when Florida and other U.S. growing 
regions are in season.”
The Food Fight for Renewal of USMCA
Working against Florida produc-
ers is the fact that other farm orga-
nizations across North America had 
been urging an early renewal of the 
USMCA, encouraged by increased 
cross-border business as US agricul-
tural exports to Canada and Mexico 
including dairy, livestock feed, pork, 
and poultry. 
Robert Guenther, executive vice pres-
ident of the Florida Tomato Exchange, 
said the Florida tomato industry sees 
the non-renewal of the USMCA as an 
opportunity to insist that trade be fair 
and free. 
“USMCA works for soybeans and 
corn; it works for auto parts and intel-
lectual property. It has never worked 
for fresh seasonal produce. That is not 
an accident. It is a gap that was never 
filled. The 2026 review is the first 
real chance in a generation to close it. 
America cannot maintain a resilient 
food supply if we allow domestic fruit 
and vegetable production to disappear 
one crop at a time. A strong and diverse 
domestic produce industry is not pro-
tectionism. It is an essential part of 
food security, rural economic stabil-
ity and consumer resilience,” he said. 
“...efficient logistics and fair pricing 
aren’t in tension, they’re complemen-
tary. (The Mexican) infrastructure 
investment is a good thing, and it will 
keep paying off regardless of the duty, 
because a modern cold chain moves 
fairly priced product just as well as 
it moves underpriced product. What 
genuinely slows a marketplace down 
over time is letting dumping hollow 
out domestic production until you’re 
dependent on a single foreign source; 
that’s when you get real volatility and 
real supply risk. Enforcing fair pricing 
protects the long-term health of the 
entire North American market these 
investments were built to serve. Good 
logistics and fair competition should 
reinforce each other, and that’s the 
market we’re working toward.”
US Rep. Vern Buchanan (R-FL), 
vice-chairman of the House Ways and 
Means Committee, has been pushing 
for seasonal protections. 
Seasonal Outlook: Trade Rate 
Quotas (TQR)
Buchanan and the Florida produce 
industry want the current tools, such 
as anti-dumping and countervailing 
duties, to be evaluated on a narrow, 
seasonal basis rather than across the 
entire domestic industry nationwide. 
Using the entire annual domestic 
production skews the numbers when 
a regional or seasonal industry—such 
as Florida winter tomatoes or pep-
pers— attempts to prove injury from 
imports. The broad numbers can con-
ceal dumping. The key is to isolate 
(PRODUCE – continued on page 23)
from the USMCA if its conditions 
were not met.  
Analysts feel that Mexico, com-
pared to the combative Canadian 
approach, has taken a more concilia-
tory approach and has held multiple 
talks with the US, with steel tariffs 
figuring prominently in the talks. 
This is also because of Mexico’s 
greater vulnerability to US tariffs; 
Mexico was the third-largest steel 
exporter to the US, shipping 3.5 mil-
lion tons in 2024, or 12.2% of US 
steel imports, according to the US 
Commerce Department. Mexico’s 
exports have fallen since then, declin-
ing by 51.7% to 551,361 million 
tons in the first quarter of 2026 over 
the year earlier period. The general 
view of individual experts is that the 
U.S. and Mexico are 
closer to reaching an 
understanding; 
pre-
liminary — Mexico 
trade 
negotiations 
have been more pro-
ductive on steel, alu-
minum and autos, 
while only informal 
discussions 
were 
held with Canada. 
In keynote remarks, 
Cleveland-Cliffs CEO 
Lourenco Goncalves 
suggested that Mexico 
understands what is at stake better 
than Canada. “Mexico is simple,” he 
said, “Shut down the back door (for 
transshipped steel imports). Canada 
talks a good game of ‘Fortress 
North America,’ but doesn’t follow 
through.” Goncalves added that it 
really would not even matter who the 
next US president is. “No Republican, 
no Democrat is going back to free 
trade!” he said.
Mark Millet, CEO of Steel 
Dynamics, ruled out a trilateral agree-
ment as of now.  “It looks like the US 
will make a deal with Mexico,” he 
said during an on-stage discussion. 
USMCA Roundtable
While most speakers at the GSDF 
referred to the USMCA in passing, the 
special USMCA trade roundtable held 
a detailed discussion on the USMCA; 
the panelists included Philip Bell, the 
President/CEO, Steel Manufacturers’ 
Association; Catherine Cobden, Pres-
ident/CEO, Canadian Steel Produc-
ers’ Association; David Zabludowsky, 
Deputy Director, IQOM Strategic 
Advisors; and Alan Price, Partner, 
Wiley law firm. John Lichtenstein, 
managing partner at World Steel 
Dynamics, moderated the discussion.
Catherine Cobden, the President/
CEO of the Canadian Steel Producers’ 
Association, defended Canada’s steel 
industry and said that her country took 
the steel trade enforcement “very seri-
ously”.  She highlighted the numer-
ous steps taken by Canada to stop 
steel dumping, arguing that the mea-
sures aligned very much with the US 
position, reflected in the antidumping 
and countervailing duty actions taken 
against 31 countries. 
Canada has also implemented 
a series of tariff rate quotas (TRQs) 
which allow import of pre-determined 
volumes at lower duties. Cobden added 
that the US Section 232 tariffs “don’t 
work perfectly for every region”. 
David 
Zabludowsky, 
deputy 
director of IQOM Strategic Advisors, 
one of the panelists, said that Mexi-
co’s priority has been to get the pact 
renewed; if the pact is not renewed, 
there would be a cost to pay.  “Invest-
ments would be delayed until there 
is clarity on the rules of the road.” 
For Mexico, the top concern was the 
Section 232 tariffs, he emphasized. 
“There should be ample chance for 
some changes,” he said. 
The GSDF was held before the 
July 1 review and the US refusal to 
renew the pact; preliminary US-Mex-
ico talks were reportedly more pro-
ductive around steel, aluminum and 
autos. The US held only informal dis-
cussions with Canada, according to 
Alan Price, partner at Wiley law firm. 
Philip Bell, the President/CEO 
of the Steel Manufacturers’ Associa-
tion, explained the reasons for retain-
ing Section 232 tariffs. “I think there 
are several good reasons that we are 
keeping the 232 tar-
iffs in place and that 
we are seeking sig-
nificant changes to 
the USMCA.”  He 
said that when look-
ing at the region, 
the United States “is 
responsible for 85% 
of the Gross Domes-
tic Product [GDP] 
generated within the 
USMCA 
region.” 
He observed: “So it 
shouldn’t come as 
any surprise if President Trump might 
be sitting in the oval office going, 
‘Okay, we’re responsible for 85% of 
the GDP, then why on earth, are we 
having such high trade imbalances 
with Canada and Mexico?’”
Bell went on to say: “He (Trump) 
can also be saying, ‘Well, if we’re 
responsible for 85% of the GDP in the 
region, why isn’t there more Amer-
ican steel required in the domestic 
content requirements for automo-
tive and other manufactured goods?’ 
He’s probably also thinking if we’re 
responsible for 85% of the GDP in 
this trading bloc, why aren’t there 
more American steelmaking jobs and 
American manufacturing jobs. So, if 
you’re President Trump, that is a very 
legitimate reason for keeping the 232 
tariffs in place.”
Bell added that Section 232 tar-
iffs allow the United States to negoti-
ate from a position of strength. “This 
administration firmly believes that the 
ability to sell your steel in the United 
States is not a right. It’s a privilege, 
and it’s time for our trading partners 
to understand and appreciate that 
privilege, and to take their trading 
relationship with the United States 
more seriously.”
He contended that both Canada 
and Mexico “need to get tougher, and 
… align their trade policies with trade 
policies that work like the 232 tariffs 
and the 301 tariffs.”
In an AJOT-interview, Bell said 
that the US steel industry wants a 
USMCA that “works for all three 
countries”.  “That is why the US 
administration has imposed Section 
232 tariffs which can be changed after 
the US gets changes and the trade 
imbalance is resolved. The US wants 
to see more US steel sent to the export 
markets and get a fair share in terms 
of domestic content,” he said. 
The US wants the agreement 
partners to adopt regulations that 
align with 232 and 301 tariffs and 
modify rules of origin to benefit US 
steel. The major concern of the US is 
(EVENT – continued from page 6)
Philip Bell, the President/CEO of the 
Steel Manufacturers’ Association
(EVENT – continued on page 23)

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